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为什么日本保守派不愿承认慰安妇问题?

更新时间:2019/9/19 20:32:14 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名

A Filmmaker Explored Japan’s Wartime Enslavement of Women. Now He’s Being Sued.
为什么日本保守派不愿承认慰安妇问题?

TOKYO — When Miki Dezaki decided to make a documentary for his graduate thesis, he examined a question that reverberates through Japanese politics: Why, 75 years later, does a small but vocal group of politically influential conservatives still fervently dispute internationally accepted accounts of Japan’s wartime atrocities?

东京——当米吉·出崎(Miki Dezaki)决定拍一部纪录片作为毕业作品时,他审视了一个在日本政坛一再回响的问题:为什么75年后,一群极具政治影响力的保守派人士——一个人数不多但十分引人注目的群体——仍然在激烈驳斥已被国际社会接受的日本战时暴行叙述?

Specifically, Mr. Dezaki focused on what historians call the Imperial Army’s sexual enslavement of tens of thousands of Korean women and others in military brothels during World War II. He explored in detail the conservatives’ case that the so-called comfort women were in fact paid prostitutes.

具体而言,出崎关注的是史学家所称的日军性奴役问题,在二战期间,来自朝鲜等国的数以万计女性沦为日本皇军的军妓。他详细研究了保守派的观点,即所谓的慰安妇实际上是有偿妓女。

Ultimately, Mr. Dezaki was unpersuaded — he concluded that the conservatives were “revisionists,” and used terms like “racism” and “sexism” to characterize some of their claims. Now, five of them are suing him for defamation.

最终,出崎没有被说服——他得出结论,保守派是“历史修正主义者”,并使用“种族主义”和“性别歧视”等词来描述他们的一些主张。现在,五名保守派人士正以诽谤罪起诉他。

The conservatives whom he interviewed in the movie are part of a group that has influence at the highest levels of the Japanese government. They have helped shape what Japanese children are taught, what works of art can be shown, and, perhaps most significantly, how Japan conducts important aspects of its foreign policy, most notably with South Korea.

他在电影中采访的保守派人士属于一个在日本政府最高层具有影响力的群体。他们参与构建了日本儿童所受的教育,决定什么艺术作品可以展出,或许最重要的是,他们还参与塑造日本外交政策的重要方面,尤其是对韩国的外交政策。

Any reference to the women can raise the conservatives’ ire. Last month, organizers of an international art fair in Nagoya closed an exhibition after receiving terrorist threats over a statue symbolizing one of the Korean comfort women.

任何涉及这些女性的言论都可能激起保守派的愤怒。上个月,名古屋一场国际艺博会上的一尊象征韩国慰安妇的雕像招致恐怖主义威胁,组织者被迫关闭了一场展览。

Mr. Dezaki, his supporters and outside historians say the lawsuit over his film shows how nationalists seek to silence those who challenge them, while at the same time using any outlet they can to spread views that run counter even to an official 1993 Japanese government apology to the comfort women.

出崎、他的支持者以及外界的历史学家认为,围绕他影片的诉讼表明,民族主义者想要让所有挑战他们的人不能发声,同时他们使用一切可能手段在传播的说法,甚至与1993年日本政府向慰安妇的正式道歉都是相抵触的。

“The overarching theme of the film is, why do they want to erase this history?” the 36-year-old Mr. Dezaki said.

“这部电影的主题是,他们为什么要抹去这段历史?”36岁的出崎说。

The 1993 apology has been a festering wound for those on the political right, including Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who have insisted that the Korean women were not sex slaves because there is no proof that they were physically forced into the brothels.

1993年的道歉对日本政治右翼来说是一个不断恶化的伤口,这其中包括日本首相安倍晋三(Shinzo Abe),他曾坚称这些韩国女性不是性奴,因为没有证据表明她们是被迫进入妓院的。

Diplomatic, economic and security ties between Japan and South Korea have reached their lowest point in years, a rupture that can be traced to the long-raging dispute over what Japan still owes for abuses committed during its colonial occupation of the Korean Peninsula, including its treatment of the comfort women.

日本和韩国之间的外交、经济和安全关系已达到多年来的最低点,这一破裂源起于一场激烈的争议,即日本如今应为殖民占领朝鲜半岛期间的恶行承担什么样的责任,其中也包括对待慰安妇的行为。

The conservatives have generally avoided the kind of reckoning that Germany has undergone in atoning for the Holocaust, as they argue that the actions of Japan during the war were no worse than those of other nations, and should not damage national pride.

保守派一般都回避德国在为大屠杀赎罪时所进行的那种清算,他们辩称,这是因为日本在战争期间的行为并不比其他国家更糟糕,不应损害民族自豪感。

Many of the most vocal right-wing critics of the mainstream view of comfort women are older Japanese, but a younger cadre of social-media-savvy activists regularly pounce on those who describe the women as sex slaves.

许多直接批评慰安妇问题主流观点的右翼人士都是年纪较大的日本人,但在年轻一代善用社交媒体的日本人中也有一群活动人士,一见到有人称慰安妇为性奴就会发起抨击。

“It is an issue that people get wild-eyed over,” said Jennifer Lind, an associate professor of government at Dartmouth College in New Hampshire and a specialist in Japanese war memory.

“这个问题会让人很激动,”新罕布什尔州达特茅斯学院(Dartmouth College)政府学副教授、研究日本战争回忆的珍妮弗·林德(Jennifer Lind)说。

She said passions also run strong in South Korea, where activists accept no deviations from the narrative that the women were brutally enslaved. In 2015, a court ordered a South Korean scholar to redact numerous passages from a book that suggested that the relationship between soldiers and the comfort women was more complex.

她说,这个问题在韩国也会引发激烈的情绪,活动人士不接受任何偏离女性被残酷奴役的说法。2015年,一家法院命令一名韩国学者对其书中的许多段落进行修改,书中暗示,士兵和慰安妇之间的关系并没有那么简单。

Mr. Dezaki’s two-hour documentary, “Shusenjo: The Main Battleground of the Comfort Women Issue,” has been shown commercially in Japan and South Korea and will be shown on college campuses in the United States this fall.

出崎的这部两小时的纪录片《主战场》(Shusenjo: The Main battle of The Comfort Women Issue)已经在日本和韩国上映,并将于今年秋天在美国的大学校园上映。

When he began his research, Mr. Dezaki, a second-generation Japanese-American who grew up in Florida and learned little about the comfort women from his Japanese immigrant parents, said he wondered whether historical accounts in the Western news media “had gotten it wrong somehow.”

出崎是第二代日裔美国人,在佛罗里达州长大,从他的日本移民父母那里,他没有得到多少对慰安妇的认识,而他想知道,西方新闻媒体中对这段历史的叙述是不是“存在什么谬误”。

To understand the mainstream view, he interviewed historians, advocates and lawyers who described their evidence. Documents have proved the Japanese military’s direct role in managing the brothels, and hundreds of women have described harrowing conditions in so-called comfort stations.

为了理解主流观点,他采访了历史学家、倡导者和律师,他们给出了自己的证据。有文件资料证明日本军方在妓院管理方面发挥着直接作用,数百名女性描述了所谓慰安所的悲惨状况。

But the mainstream experts Mr. Dezaki interviewed were also open about the lack of direct proof that the Japanese military physically abducted the women — a fact that the conservatives seize on — and forthright about the wide-ranging estimates of the numbers of women involved.

但是,接受采访的主流专家也明确表示,没有直接证据证明日本军方实际诱拐了这些女性——保守派抓住了这一事实——而且他们坦言,对慰安妇人数的估计存在很大差异。

In the film, Mr. Dezaki highlights a 1944 American Army document, cited by the conservatives, in which 20 Korean comfort women interviewed in Burma are described as “nothing more than” prostitutes who were “attached to the Japanese Army for the benefit of the soldiers.” That same document says the women were recruited under “false pretenses.”

出崎在影片中着重讲述了一份1944年的美国陆军文件,这份被保守派引为证据的文件形容20名在缅甸接受问询的韩国慰安妇“无非是”一些妓女,“作为给士兵的福利而随军。”同一份文件称,这些女性是以“欺骗手段”被招进军中的。

Yoshiaki Yoshimi, a retired history professor who uncovered key documents describing the military’s management of the brothels, said that by “denying one point,” the conservatives “seek to deny the big picture.”

退休历史教授吉见义明(Yoshiaki Yoshimi)发现了描述日军管理军妓院的关键文件,他表示,通过“否认这一点”,保守派“试图否认一切”。

Much of the film dwells on the nature of coercion. In the end, Mr. Dezaki said, he was persuaded by the scholars who say the women were forced or deceived into providing sex to soldiers against their will. In the movie, he concludes that to remember the comfort women is to fight “against racism, sexism and fascism.”

影片大部分情节着眼于强迫的性质。出崎在片尾称,他被学者说服,他们称这些女性是被强迫或欺骗,违背她们的意愿为士兵提供性服务。他在片中作结称,对慰安妇的铭记,就是“对种族主义、性别歧视和法西斯主义”的反抗。

“I did not defame them,” Mr. Dezaki said of the conservatives. “I made a film that documents the issue and the people involved.”

“我没有诋毁他们,”出崎谈及保守派时说。“我拍了一部影片记录这个问题,以及牵扯其中的人。”

He added: “Information is revealed in the film, and how the audience interprets this information is up to them.”

他还说:“片中披露了信息,至于观众如何解读这些信息,取决于他们。”

But those suing Mr. Dezaki say he is biased. “‘Revisionist’ is a word with the greatest malice,” said Nobukatsu Fujioka, vice president of the Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform, whose business card reads “Let’s create Japanese who are proud!”

但起诉出崎的人称他存在偏见。“‘历史修正主义’是个有着最大恶意的词,”日本新历史教科书编纂会(Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform)副会长藤冈信胜(Nobukatsu Fujioka)说,他的名片上写着“让我们创造我们引以为豪的日本!”

Another plaintiff, Shunichi Fujiki, wrote in an email, “I believe this is a fight to clarify who is the one fabricating history.” He added that in the United States, liberals “label conservatives as ‘segregationists,’ ‘KKK!’ ‘the Nazis!’ ‘Hitlers!’ etc., but in actuality, the segregationists they’re referring to are themselves.”

另一名原告藤木俊一(Shunichi Fujiki)在邮件中写道,“我认为这是一场澄清是谁捏造历史的抗争。”他还表示在美国,自由派“称保守派是‘种族隔离主义者’、‘3K党’、‘纳粹分子!’‘希特勒!’等,但实际上,他们所指的种族隔离主义者正是他们自己。”

Kent Gilbert, an American lawyer and celebrity television commentator who has lived in Japan for more than 30 years, said that the film did not misrepresent his views, but that it was “a propaganda hit piece.” The comfort women, he said, were just prostitutes.

在日本生活30余年的美国律师、知名电视评论员肯特·吉尔伯特(Kent Gilbert)表示,影片没有歪曲他的观点,但影片是个“政治宣传工具”。他表示慰安妇就是妓女。

“Everybody knows that,” he said. “If you want to see prostitutes, look for the Koreans. My land, they’ve got prostitutes all over the world.”

“人人都知道,”他说。“你要想找妓女,找韩国人。我的天,满世界都是他们的妓女。”

In addition to defamation, the lawsuit accuses Mr. Dezaki and Tofoo Films, the distributor, of breach of contract, saying the plaintiffs agreed to be interviewed only for his graduate thesis, not a commercial film. The plaintiffs are demanding compensation and a suspension of all public screenings.

除诋毁外,这起诉讼还指控出崎和发行公司东风影业(Tofoo Films)违约,称原告仅同意为出崎的毕业作业接受采访,而非一部商业片。原告要求赔偿,并暂停所有公映。

All of the interviewees signed release forms giving Mr. Dezaki full editorial control and copyright, said Makoto Iwai, a lawyer who is representing Mr. Dezaki and the film’s distributor. The New York Times reviewed two versions of the release.

出崎和发行商的代理律师岩井真(Makoto Iwai,音)表示,受访者均签署了授权协议书,给予出崎完全的编辑控制权和版权。《纽约时报》查看了两个版本的授权协议书。

Koichi Nakano, a political scientist at Sophia University in Tokyo who was one of Mr. Dezaki’s professors and appears in the movie, said he believed that the plaintiffs were looking for a reason to bring a suit because the film’s “interpretation doesn’t fit entirely what they like.”

在片中出镜、曾为出崎的教授的东京上智大学(Sophia University)政治学者中野晃一(Koichi Nakano)表示,他认为原告是在找理由提起诉讼,因为影片的“诠释不完全符合他们的意愿”。

Audiences in Japan and South Korea have said the film helped them understand the comfort women controversy in a new way. At a showing in Seoul at Sogang University late last month, Chae Min-jin, 26, said she “realized that we Koreans didn’t really know the context and the logic in which the right-wingers in Japan asserted themselves after all.”

日本和韩国观众表示,影片有助于他们以新的方式理解慰安妇争议问题。上月底在首尔延世大学(Yonsei University)的一次放映会上,现年26岁的蔡敏珍(Chae Min-jin,音)表示,她“认识到我们韩国人终归并不真正了解日本右翼分子固执己见的背景和逻辑”。

In Japan, some audience members said the movie revealed information unavailable in their history textbooks. Tsubasa Hirose, a freelance copywriter, wrote on her movie-reviewing blog that she had always thought comfort women “treated people at the hospital, like nurses.”

日本一些观众表示,影片披露了他们历史教科书中所没有的信息。从事文案工作的自由职业者广濑翼(Tsubasa Hirose,音)在她的影评博客中写道,她一直都以为慰安妇“是在医院照看人,就像护士”。

“I didn’t know anything,” she wrote, “and I wasn’t given any opportunity to.”

“我一点都不了解,”她写道,“也没有任何机会去了解。”

Mr. Dezaki said he did not consider the debate closed.

出崎称他认为争论没有结束。

“My conclusion is not final,” he said. “I don’t know everything. I feel like I can defend my conclusion based off what I know.” But, he added, “I’m always aware that there’s a possibility that one of the factors in my argument might not hold.”

“我的结论不是最终的,”他说。“我并非全都了解。我觉得我可以基于我所知道的为我的结论辩护。”不过他也表示,“我一直都清楚,在我的论点中,也许会有某个因素是站不住脚的。”

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