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用一个字形容特朗普的国情咨文:装

更新时间:2018-2-1 19:40:58 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名

The Fictitious State of Trump’s Fantastical Union
用一个字形容特朗普的国情咨文:装

The word that came to mind most often as I watched Donald Trump deliver his first State of the Union address was “pretend.”

看唐纳德·特朗普发表他的第一个国情咨文演说时,我脑海中最常浮现出来的一个词是“假装”。

He pretends to be a statesman, and we’re supposed to pretend that hundreds of vulgar and recklessly divisive moments before this — thousands, if we’re adding tweets — don’t negate that claim.

他假装自己是个政治家,而我们则应该假装此前数百个粗俗鲁莽、挑拨分歧的时刻——如果把他的推文也算上,那应该有成千上万个——不会抵消他的这个说法。

We’re supposed to pretend that he gives a fig about decorum, though it disappears almost as soon as the teleprompter does. Above all, we’re supposed to pretend that what he says today has any bearing on what he’ll say tomorrow, when what he said yesterday contradicted it.

我们应该假装他在意庄重得体,尽管它只要一脱离提词就消失了。最重要的是,他昨天说的话还跟今天说的话自相矛盾着,我们却要假装他今天说的话和他明天说的话之间会存在任何关联。

Our president lives in a world of sand and wind and make-believe, where the merest gust can alter the shape of everything, and Tuesday night’s remarks — especially his appeal for “common ground” and his vision of “all of us together” as “one American family” — should be seen in that shifting, swirling, fantastical context.

我们的总统生活在一个风沙弥漫、遍布虚幻的世界里,一场最轻微的阵风便能改变一切形态,他周二晚上的发言应该被放在这个不停转变、摇摆不定、光怪陆离的背景中去审视——尤其是他呼吁寻找“共同点”,和他心目中“我们所有人在一起”,就像“一个美国家庭”的理想那部分。

To be fair, most State of the Union addresses are wishes. George W. Bush gave us gauzy spins on where he was going and where he had been. Barack Obama set markers (preschool and community college for all!) that he’d never reach. The State of the Union traffics in the sublime — and thus in the ridiculous.

公平地说,大多数国情咨文都是许愿。乔治·W·布什(George W. Bush)华而不实地将他想达到的目标和已经达到的目标混为一谈。贝拉克·奥巴马(Barack Obama)设置了自己永远无法达到的标准(所有人都能上学前班和社区大学!)。国情咨文行走在一个崇高的境界,因而也是荒诞的。

But Trump is a ridiculous breed apart, his moods more erratic, his poses more ephemeral, his pledges emptier.

但特朗普的荒诞独具一格,他的情绪更不稳定、他的姿态更短暂、他的承诺更空洞。

Last February, in a speech to a joint session of Congress, he used his opening minutes to exalt civil rights, decry anti-Semitism and proclaim that “we are a country that stands united in condemning hate and evil in all of its very ugly forms.”

去年二月,他在一次参众两院联席会议的演讲中,一开头便高举公民权利的大旗,谴责反犹太主义,并宣称:“我们的国家团结一致,谴责所有丑恶形式的仇恨与邪恶。”

Later came the violence in Charlottesville, Va., and his insistence that there were “some very fine people” among the white nationalists and neo-Nazis there.

后来,在弗吉尼亚州夏洛茨维尔发生暴力事件之后,他坚称那里的白人民族主义者和新纳粹分子当中有“一些非常好的人”。

Early this month he invited television cameras into the White House so that we could behold his placid demeanor as Democrats made their pitch for Dreamers and he recommended a “bill of love.” Within 48 hours, he was ranting about “shithole countries” whose human effluvium befouls our shores.

本月早些时候,他邀请电视摄像机进入白宫,以便我们能够看到,当民主党人为“梦想者”(Dreamers)大声疾呼时,他所表现出的平静风度,他还提出了所谓“爱的法案”。不到48小时,他便咆哮着指责“粪坑国家”的臭气侵袭了我们的海岸。

Senator Chuck Schumer, the leader of his chamber’s Democratic minority, said that negotiating with Trump was like negotiating with Jell-O. Food-wise, he gave the president the benefit of the doubt. Trump is squishier, and far less innocuous. Negotiating with him must be like negotiating with sour cream.

参议员查克·舒默(Chuck Schumer)是参议院民主党少数党领袖,他说和特朗普谈判就像和Jell-O果冻谈判一样。从食物角度而言,这个比喻让人把总统往好处想。特朗普比较容易摆布,而且非常无害。和他谈判一定就像和酸奶油谈判差不多。

On Tuesday night, Trump dwelled boastfully on certain economic indicators — unemployment figures, the stock market — to portray America as a newly industrious land, dizzy with sudden riches. But we Americans aren’t that dizzy: We still expect more from our country and president than a Dow above 25,000, and that’s why Trump’s approval rating is below 40 percent.

周二晚上,特朗普长篇累牍地夸耀一些经济指标——失业数据和股票市场——以便将美国描绘成一个新兴的工业国度,暴富的机会让人眼花缭乱。但我们美国人并没有眼花:我们对这个国家和总统的期待并不止于25000以上的道琼斯指数,这就是为什么特朗普的支持率依然低于40%。

He took starkly partisan positions on regulations, gun rights, foreign aid, “religious liberty” and more, then dared to pretend that he was extending an “open hand” to Democrats. He did this serenely, no trace of the volcanic temper that his aides have come to fear.

他在法规、拥枪权、对外援助、“宗教自由”等方面都表现出极度的党派立场,然后居然敢于假装向民主党伸出“张开的手”。他在这样做时表情平静,没有带上一丝一毫助手们所担心的火爆脾气。

There were howlers aplenty in his address. “Americans love their country, and they deserve a government that shows them the same love and loyalty in return,” he said. How does minimizing Russian interference in the 2016 election — and thwarting the investigation into what happened — accomplish that?

他的演讲中,愚蠢可笑的错误比比皆是。他说:“美国人热爱自己的国家,他们理应得到一个向他们报以同样的爱与忠诚的政府。”靠着最大限度地淡化俄罗斯对2016年大选的干预,并阻挠对相关事实的调查,怎么能做到这一点呢?

There were fictions galore. “For the last year,” he asserted, “we have sought to restore the bonds of trust between our citizens and their government.” No. He, his brood, Steven Mnuchin, Louise Linton and Tom Price (remember him?) swanned around on the government’s dime, their self-promotion and self-celebration extraordinary even by Washington’s standards.

他的演讲中还有大量胡编乱造。“去年,”他说,“我们试图恢复公民与政府之间的信任关系。”不。他、他的家人,斯蒂文·努钦(Steven Mnuchin),露易丝·林顿(Louise Linton)和汤姆·普莱斯(Tom Price,还记得他吗?)花着政府的钱到处闲逛,即使是华盛顿的标准,他们的自我炒作和自吹自擂也太过分了。

Trump on Tuesday night identified priorities: immigration reform, infrastructure. But we can’t trust his commitment to either, because he doesn’t know his own mind.

特朗普在周二晚上确定了他的优先事项:移民改革和基础设施建设。但是我们不能相信他的承诺,因为他根本不了解自己的想法。

Whether the issue is health care, tax cuts or his beloved border wall, he holds several different positions simultaneously or in rapid succession, saying one thing at a microphone only to tweet something else entirely. His aides occasionally try to sell this as a master deal maker’s way of keeping everybody guessing, when it’s really an amateur policy maker’s way of revealing that he’s just bumbling around.

无论是关于医疗保健、减税还是他心爱的边境墙,他都会同时拥有几个不同的立场,或者在一系列不同立场之间快速改变,他对着麦克风说一件事,发推时说的却又完全两样。他的助手们偶尔会试图把这种方式奉为交易大师的手段,以便让所有人都猜不透他,事实上,这只是一个业余决策者的方式,表明他其实是在东拉西扯。

The distance between Trump when he’s controlled and Trump when he’s unbound makes a speech like Tuesday night’s an especially hollow charade. And the orchestrated news in it can’t erase the messier developments beforehand, including the escalation of his assault on the F.B.I. and reports of his lawyers’ panic about his offer to be interviewed by the special counsel Robert Mueller. Jonathan Swan wrote in Axios that one of Trump’s intimates “believes the president would be incapable of avoiding perjuring himself. ‘Trump doesn’t deal in reality,’ the source said. ‘He creates his own reality.’ ”

受控状态下的特朗普和无拘无束的特朗普之间的差异,令周二晚上的演讲显得像是一个特别空洞的玩笑。而演讲中精心安排的信息也无法消除之前已经更加混乱的事态发展,其中包括他对联邦调查局的攻击升级;以及据有关报道称,他同意接受特别检察官罗伯特·穆勒(Robert Mueller)的问询,令他的律师们感到恐慌。乔纳森·斯万(Jonathan Swan)在Axios网站上写道,特朗普的一位亲友“相信总统届时将无法避免自我伤害。”这一提供消息的人士还说:“特朗普不去处理现实,他创造自己的现实。”

His speech was such a creation, and to treat it any other way is to launder his entire political history and see a leader who has never been there.

他的演讲也是这种创造,不以这种方式看待它,就等于为他的整个政治历史洗白,把他看做一个根本就没有存在过的领袖。

I’m not that good at pretend.

我可没那么擅长假装。

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