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普京时代的禁忌:那些苏联人为何支持纳粹

更新时间:2017-6-23 11:36:05 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名

Putin-Era Taboo: Telling Why Some Soviets Aided Nazis
普京时代的禁忌:那些苏联人为何支持纳粹

PODOLSK, Russia — As a former Soviet factory director, Vladimir Melikhov survived the brutal business turf wars of the 1990s to make a fortune in construction. Now he devotes his energy and money to what, in the Russia of President Vladimir Putin, has become a truly risky enterprise: digging into Russian history.

俄罗斯波多利斯克——作为前苏联一家工厂的厂长,弗拉基米尔·梅里克霍夫(Vladimir Melikhov)艰难度过了20世纪90年代残酷的商业地盘争夺战,在建设行业中发了财。现在,他将精力和钱财全部投入到探究俄罗斯历史上来,在弗拉基米尔·普京(Vladimir Putin)总统领导下的俄罗斯,这已经成为一个真正冒险的事业。

Melikhov has founded a private museum that is devoted to the memory of the “anti-Bolshevik resistance” and that delves into a singularly taboo topic — why many Cossacks and other persecuted Soviet citizens welcomed, at least initially, Hitler’s invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941.

梅里克霍夫成立了一个以纪念“反布尔什维克抵抗运动”为主题的私人博物馆,这个博物馆探究一个特别触犯禁忌的话题——为什么许多哥萨克人和其他受迫害的苏维埃公民,至少在最初对希特勒在1941年6月入侵苏联表示欢迎。

The museum, housed in a three-story building he built himself on his private estate in Podolsk, south of Moscow, makes no attempt to glorify Nazi collaborators. But it has enraged the authorities by focusing on the relentless persecution that followed Russia’s 1917 Bolshevik Revolution, creating fertile ground for anti-Soviet treachery during a war that cost 25 million Soviet lives.

这个博物馆设在一栋三层的建筑里,楼是梅里克霍夫在莫斯科南部波多利斯克的私人庄园里自己盖的。博物馆并不企图美化纳粹合作者,但却激怒了当局,因为它关注的是俄罗斯在1917年的布尔什维克革命之后发生的残酷迫害,这种迫害为二战中的反苏维埃背叛创造了沃土,有2500万苏联人在二战中丧生。

“What they really don’t like is that I make people think about what happened in the past and what is happening today,” Melikhov said.

“他们真正不喜欢的是,我让人们想起了过去发生的事情,以及今天正在发生的事情,”梅里克霍夫说。

As a result, he has been denounced on state television as a traitor, Russian border guards have defaced his passport to prevent him from leaving the country, and he has faced a string of seemingly trumped-up criminal charges. On Tuesday, a court in Podolsk found him guilty of illegal weapons possession and sentenced him to a year of “restricted freedom” — house arrest or some other limits on his movements.

结果是,他被国家电视台谴责为叛国者,俄罗斯边境警卫损坏了他的护照,不让他出国,他也面临着一系列看起来是捏造的刑事指控。周二,波多尔斯克的一个法庭裁定他犯有非法拥有武器罪,并判处他一年“限制自由”——即软禁或对他的行动加以其他限制的惩罚。

The hostility of the Russian state toward Melikhov is a measure of how the history of World War II, which Russians know as the Great Patriotic War, is a sensitive topic — particularly at a time when Putin and his allies constantly refer to the conflict to fortify their legitimacy.

俄罗斯政府对梅里克霍夫的敌意反映了第二次世界大战(俄罗斯人称二战为伟大的卫国战争)历史是个敏感的话题,尤其是在普京及其盟友不断提到二战、用其来巩固自己的合法性的时候。

They cast themselves as the true heirs of wartime patriots and vilify their foes — like the anti-corruption campaigner Alexei A. Navalny, who orchestrated nationwide protests against the Kremlin on June 12 — as sellouts akin to Nazi collaborators.

这些人把自己说成是卫国战争爱国者的真正继承人,把自己的敌人——比如在6月12日组织了全国范围内针对克里姆林宫的抗议活动的反腐斗士阿列克谢·A·纳瓦利内(Alexei A. Navalny)——诋毁为像纳粹合作者那样的出卖者。

With communism ditched and liberal capitalism largely discredited as an alternative, the Soviet Union’s victorious 1941-45 struggle against Nazism has become the untouchable cornerstone of a new state ideology built around a sanitized history of patriotic sacrifice, discipline and national unity.

摈弃了共产主义,作为另一选择的自由资本主义在很大程度上也名声扫地,所以,苏联在1941到1945年的反法西斯战争中获得胜利的历史,已成为国家新意识形态不可触及的基石,新意识形态是围绕着一个以为国献身、纪律和民族团结为内容,经过净化的历史建立的。

“The myth of the Great Patriotic War is the founding myth of contemporary, post-1991 Russia,” said Serhii Plokhii, a Russian-born history professor at Harvard. “Anything that challenges that myth, understood as the victory of the unified Russian people over the hostile West, or introduces shades of gray into the black-and-white picture of the battle between good and evil, is rejected and attacked.”

“伟大的卫国战争的神话,是1991年后的当代俄罗斯的建国神话,”在俄罗斯出生的哈佛大学历史教授谢尔海伊·普洛克海伊(Serhii Plokhii)说。“这个神话被理解为团结一致的俄罗斯人民与西方敌对力量作斗争的胜利,任何挑战这个神话的东西,或在其善与恶斗争的黑白描述中引入灰色的东西,都将被拒绝和受到攻击。”

Melikhov is not the only one to be singled out. A state committee in Moscow recently vetoed a decision by scholars in St. Petersburg to award a doctoral degree to Kirill Alexandrov, a historian. His dissertation, on the Committee for the Liberation of the Peoples of Russia, an outfit set up in 1944 with German support to rally opposition to Stalin’s regime, was deemed insufficiently patriotic.

梅里克霍夫不是唯一一个被挑出来的人。莫斯科的一个国家委员会最近否决了圣彼得堡一些学者授予历史学家基里尔·亚历山德罗夫(Kirill Alexandrov)博士学位的决定。他撰写的关于“俄罗斯人民解放委员会”(Committee for the Liberation of the Peoples of Russia)的论文被认为不够爱国,该委员会成立于1944年,曾受德国支持,目的是把反对斯大林政权的人召集起来。

Melikhov believes that his principal crime, as far as officials are concerned, is not just the matter-of-fact treatment of reviled traitors at his museum in Podolsk, and another museum of his near Rostov-on-Don in southern Russia.

梅里克霍夫认为,就官方而言,他的主要罪行不只限于他在波多尔克斯的博物馆、以及他在俄罗斯南部顿河畔罗斯托夫附近的另一个博物馆,对令人不齿的叛徒给予了实事求是的处理。

A bigger problem, he said, is that any open discussion of the choices Russians made during the war undermines Putin’s efforts to rally Russia around the heroism of the past and his hostility to the internal and external enemies that the Kremlin presents as besieging the country.

他说,一个更大的问题是,任何对俄罗斯人在卫国战争中做出的选择的公开讨论,都会削弱普京团结俄罗斯的努力,这种团结是围绕的是过去的英雄主义、以及普京对被克里姆林宫描述为围困俄罗斯的内外敌人的敌意。

“The Soviet Union collapsed, but the Soviet system of rule and thinking has stayed the same,” Melikhov said. “There was monopolization of political power, monopolization of economic power, monopolization of mass media, monopolization of civil society. Today, the basic elements of this Soviet system are all being put back in place.”

“虽然苏联崩溃了,但苏联的统治制度和思想还一直保持着,没有改变,”梅里克霍夫说。“仍然存在着政治权力的垄断、经济权力的垄断、大众媒体的垄断、民间社会的垄断。如今,苏维埃体系的基本要素都己被复原。”

The evidence presented against Melikhov at his trial consisted of a rusty 19th-century gun from his museum collection and a stash of bullets that did not fit any weapon in his possession. Melikhov said investigators had planted them.

在梅里克霍夫的审判中提供的证据包括,他的博物馆收藏的一只19世纪的生锈的枪,以及一些和他拥有的武器不配套的子弹。梅里克霍夫说,那是调查人员栽的赃。

“I struggled against many bandits in the 1990s, but now it is even worse: You can’t fight back against our officials,” he said in an interview at his estate, a fenced-in compound of brick buildings, lush gardens and a pond built atop a Soviet-era waste dump.

“我在20世纪90年代曾与许多土匪作斗争,但现在更糟糕,你不能对抗我们的官员,”梅里克霍夫在他的庄园里接受采访时说,这个庄园建在苏联时代用废弃物堆积起来的小山顶上,四周有围墙,里面有几座砖瓦建筑,还有郁郁葱葱的花园和一个池塘。

If not for his interest in history, Melikhov, 60, would seem a good fit with Putin’s vision of a resurgent Russia built around traditional values and muscular patriotism.

如果不是因为他对历史的兴趣,60岁的梅里克霍夫似乎很符合普京复兴俄罗斯活力的愿景,这种复兴是建立在传统价值观和强大的爱国主义之上的。

Melikhov is a descendant of Cossacks, the rugged horsemen who secured the frontiers of the Russian empire and whose members have been in the forefront of various nationalist causes since the 1991 collapse of the Soviet Union. He is also an Orthodox Christian and has built a handsome wooden church next to his house in Podolsk.

梅里克霍夫是哥萨克人的后裔,粗犷的哥萨克骑兵稳固了俄罗斯帝国的边缘地区,自1991年苏联解体以来,其成员一直处于各种民族主义事业的前列。梅里克霍夫也是东正教的基督徒,他在自己的波多尔斯克房子旁边,用木头盖了一座漂亮的教堂。

But years of work collecting and reading old books and documents have convinced Melikhov that what Putin and his allies in the Orthodox Church and elsewhere celebrate as Russian tradition grossly distorts the past.

但是,材料收集、阅读旧书和文件的多年工作让梅里克霍夫相信,普京及其在东正教和其他地方的盟友所庆祝的俄罗斯传统,是对过去的大肆扭曲。

He said that while Putin had helped lift Soviet-era suspicion of Cossacks, who mostly sided with anti-Bolshevik forces during Russia’s 1917-22 civil war, he had forgotten the core of the Cossack creed.

他说,虽然普京帮助解除了苏联时期对哥萨克人的怀疑,哥萨克人在1917 到1922年间的俄罗斯内战中站在了反布尔什维克力量的一边,但普京忘记了哥萨克信条的核心。

“The most important value for a Cossack has always been his own freedom,” Melikhov said.

“哥萨克人最重要的价值从来都是自身的自由,”梅里克霍夫说。

That reading of Cossack tradition, which many still associate with pogroms and brutal service to an expanding Russian empire under the czar, has helped Melikhov win unlikely support from Russian liberals.

对哥萨克传统的这种解读,虽然在许多人眼里仍与俄国对犹太人的杀戳、以及为沙皇统治下的俄罗斯帝国扩大版图所提供的残暴服务联系在一起,但却使梅里克霍夫赢得了俄罗斯自由派人士看似不可能的支持。

One prominent fan is Andrey Zubov, a liberal historian who was removed from his post at a prestigious Moscow institute after he compared Putin’s 2014 seizure of Crimea from Ukraine to Hitler’s annexation of territory in 1939. Zubov promptly earned himself a place on a list of “traitors” assembled by Putin’s supporters.

梅里克霍夫的一位有名的粉丝是自由派历史学家安德烈·朱波夫(Andrey Zubov),朱波夫曾在莫斯哥的一家著名研究所工作,在把普京在2014年从乌克兰夺回克里米亚与希特勒在1939年吞并他国领土作比较后,他被单位除名。朱波夫很快就上了普京的支持者们编制的一个“叛徒”名单。

Melikhov said the latest case against him had been orchestrated not by local prosecutors in Podolsk but by the Federal Security Service in Moscow, the domestic intelligence arm of the old Soviet KGB, after he publicly supported an anti-Kremlin political party before parliamentary elections last year.

梅里克霍夫说,近期针对他的案子,不是由波多尔斯克的当地检察官策划的,而是由莫斯科的联邦安全局策划的,该局的前身是苏联时代克格勃的国内情报部门。在去年的议会选举前,在表示公开支持一个反克里姆林宫的政党后,他被立了案。

He also opposed the annexation of Crimea, the prime litmus test of supposed treachery, a label that Melikhov said was being applied to those who merely disagreed publicly with the Kremlin.

他也反对吞并克里米亚,这是判断是否所谓背叛的首要试金石,梅里克霍夫说,这个标签被用到那些只不过是不同意克里姆林宫的人身上。

That, he said, is what makes his two museums so threatening: They prod the thousands of ordinary Russians who have visited to think about their own history and question simple labels like patriot and traitor. They also amplify questions that professional historians have quietly raised about official accounts of the war.

他说,那才是让他的两个博物馆如此具有威胁性的原因:它们让数以千计参观过博物馆的普通俄罗斯人思考自己的历史,质疑像爱国者和叛徒这样的简单标签。它们也把专业历史学家对官方的卫国战争描述提出的静悄悄的质疑进一步放大了。

Those official versions tend to play down Stalin’s 1939 pact with Hitler, his murderous purge of military officers in the 1930s and the relentless persecution of perceived internal enemies before the Nazi invasion.

官方的版本倾向于淡化斯大林与希特勒在1939年达成的条约,斯大林在20世纪30年代对军官进行的屠杀清洗,以及在纳粹入侵之前对被视为是内部敌人的无情迫害。

Writing in the museum guest book, a visitor said, “Thank you to the creators and curators of this museum for the opportunity to look at those pages of our history that the official authorities try to hide from us.”

一名参观者在博物馆的留言簿中写道:“感谢这家博物馆的创建者和策展者,你们给人们提供了一个机会,让他们能看我们的史书中那些官方当局试图隐藏起来的页面。”

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