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千禧一代成了反性别革命的一代

更新时间:2017-4-2 10:48:57 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名

Do Millennial Men Want Stay-at-Home Wives?
千禧一代成了反性别革命的一代

Millennials, generally defined as people born between 1982 and 2000, were supposed to be the generation that forged what has been called “a new national consensus” in favor of gender equality. Indeed, in February the prominent Columbia professor Jeffrey Sachs labeled the 2016 election, where an extremely qualified female candidate lost to a man with a history of disrespecting women, “a blip” on the road to the egalitarian society that will be achieved once millennial voters outnumber their conservative elders.

千禧一代通常被定义为出生于1982到2000年之间的人,并被认为是达成了所谓的“新的国家共识”,支持性别平等的一代。实际上,哥伦比亚大学知名教授杰弗里·萨克斯(Jeffrey Sachs)在今年2月提出,一旦千禧一代选民在人数上超过比他们年长的保守派,就能实现平等主义社会,而2016年大选——一名完全胜任的女性候选人输给了一名有不尊重女性劣迹的男性——只是途中遇到的“一个小颠簸”。

But the millennial category lumps together everybody from age 17 to 34, a group varied by race, ethnicity, religion, income, education and life experience. Don’t think for a second they are united. As a set of reports released Friday by the Council on Contemporary Families reveals, fewer of the youngest millennials, those aged 18 to 25, support egalitarian family arrangements than did the same age group 20 years earlier.

但千禧一代这个分类囊括了17至34岁的所有人。这个群体的种族、民族、宗教、收入、受教育程度和生活经历各异。千万不要以为他们会团结一致。正如现代家庭理事会(Council on Contemporary Families)周五发布的一系列报告所显示的那样,千禧一代中最年轻,即18到25岁这个群体中,支持平等的家庭安排的人和20年前相比变少了。

Using a survey that has monitored the attitudes of high school seniors for nearly 40 years, the sociologists Joanna Pepin and David Cotter find that the proportion of young people holding egalitarian views about gender relationships rose steadily from 1977 to the mid-1990s but has fallen since. In 1994, only 42 percent of high school seniors agreed that the best family was one where the man was the main income earner and the woman took care of the home. But in 2014, 58 percent of seniors said they preferred that arrangement. In 1994, fewer than 30 percent of high school seniors thought “the husband should make all the important decisions in the family.” By 2014, nearly 40 percent subscribed to that premise.

利用一项监测高中高年级学生态度的调查,社会学家乔安娜·佩平(Joanna Pepin)和戴维·科特(David Cotter)发现,对性别关系持平等主义观点的年轻人的比例从1977年开始逐步增加,一直到90年代中期,之后开始下降。1994年,只有42%的高中高年级学生同意最完美的家庭是男性主要负责赚钱,女性照顾家里。但2014年,58%的高年级学生表示他们更喜欢这种安排。1994年,不到30%的高中高年级学生认为“家里所有重要决定都应由丈夫做”。到2014年,近40%的学生认同这个假设。

A different survey found a similar trend, in this case concentrated mainly among men. In 1994, 83 percent of young men rejected the superiority of the male-breadwinner family. By 2014 that had fallen to 55 percent. Women’s disagreement fell far less, from 85 percent in 1994 to 72 percent in 2014. Since 1994, young women’s confidence that employed women are just as good mothers as stay-at-home moms has continued to inch up, but young men’s has fallen. In fact, by 2014, men aged 18 to 25 were more traditional than their elders.

主要集中在男性中的另一项调查也发现了类似的趋势。1994年,83%的年轻男性反对男性赚钱养家的家庭优势。到2014年,这一比例跌至55%。持反对意见的女性比例下降得没这么严重,仅从1994年的85%跌至2014年的72%。从1994年开始,年轻女性对职场女性在母亲的角色上和全职母亲一样优秀的信心持续攀升,但年轻男性的信心下降。实际上,到2014年,18到25岁的男性比年龄比他们大的男性更传统。

Such slippage in support for gender equality may have been a factor in the 2016 election, even though voters 18 to 30 were more likely than any other age group to vote for Hillary Clinton. An analysis of exit polls by Kei Kawashima-Ginsberg of Tufts University reveals that millennial support for a white woman in 2016 was 10 percentage points lower than their vote for a black man in 2008. Furthermore, the gender gap among young people was larger than in previous elections. While 63 percent of young women voted for Mrs. Clinton, only 47 percent of young men did so.

对性别平等的支持减弱也许是影响2016年大选的一个因素,尽管18到30岁的选民投票支持希拉里·克林顿(Hillary Clinton)的可能性比其他任何年龄段都大。塔夫茨大学(Tufts University)的凯·川岛-金斯伯格(Kei Kawashima-Ginsberg)对出口民调进行的一项分析显示,千禧一代在2016年对一名白人女性的支持,比他们2008年对一名黑人男性的支持降低了10个百分点。此外,和以前的选举相比,年轻人中的性别差距变大了。尽管63%的年轻女性支持希拉里,但在年轻男性中,这一比例仅为47%。

The political scientist Dan Cassino suggests that the increased support for male leadership in home life among 18- to 25-year-olds may reflect an attempt to compensate for men’s loss of dominance in the work world. Youths surveyed in 2014 grew up in the shadow of the financial crisis, which accelerated the longstanding erosion of men’s earning power. During the 2016 primaries, when Professor Cassino asked voters questions designed to remind them that many women now earn more than men, men became less likely to support Mrs. Clinton. Perhaps a segment of youth is reacting to financial setbacks suffered by their fathers. Indeed, a 2015 poll commissioned by MTV found that 27 percent of males aged 14 to 24 felt women’s gains had come at the expense of men.

政治学者丹·卡西诺(Dan Cassino)认为,18至25岁的人群中对男性在家庭生活中占领导地位的支持增加,也许反映了人们试图弥补男性在职场中失去的主导地位。在2014年接受调查的年轻人是在金融危机的阴影下成长起来的。那场危机加快了男性赚钱能力长期遭受的侵蚀。2016年初选期间,当卡西诺向选民提出那些意在提醒他们,现在很多女性挣得比男性多的问题时,男性支持克林顿的可能性降低。或许一部分年轻人的反应是因为他们的父亲在经济上遭遇的挫折。确实,MTV在2015年委托进行的一项调查发现,14至24岁的男性中,27%的人觉得女性收入增加是以男性收入减少为代价的。

It’s not just the youngest millennials who seem resistant to continuing the gender revolution. Overall, Americans aged 18 to 34 are less comfortable than their elders with the idea of women holding roles historically held by men. And millennial men are significantly more likely than Gen X or baby boomer men to say that society has already made all the changes needed to create equality in the workplace.

好像反对继续进行性别革命的,不只是最年轻的千禧一代。总体上,18至34岁的美国人对女性扮演历史上由男性把持的角色的接受程度,不及比他们年长的人。千禧一代中的男性明显比女性或婴儿潮一代中的男性更有可能说出,社会已经进行了创造职场平等所需的一切改革。

Are we facing a stall or even a turnaround in the movement toward gender equality? That’s a possibility, especially if we continue to pin our hopes on an evolutionary process of generational liberalization. But there is considerable evidence that the decline in support for “nontraditional” domestic arrangements stems from young people witnessing the difficulties experienced by parents in two-earner families. A recent study of 22 European and English-speaking countries found that American parents report the highest levels of unhappiness compared with non-parents, a difference the researchers found is “entirely explained” by the absence of policies supporting work-family balance.

我们是不是正面临性别平等运动的停滞乃至倒退?有这个可能,特别是如果我们继续把希望寄托在代际自由化的进化过程上的话。但有相当多的证据表明,对“非传统”家庭安排的支持减弱,是因为年轻人亲眼目睹了双职工家庭中父母经历的困难。最近对22个欧洲和英语国家进行的一项研究发现,相比和非家长,美国家长反映的不幸福程度是最高的。研究人员发现,缺乏支持工作和家庭平衡的政策“完全可以解释”这个差异。

No wonder some young people think that more traditional family arrangements might make life less stressful. Tellingly, support for gender equality has continued to rise among all age groups in Europe, where substantial public investments in affordable, high-quality child care and paid leave for fathers and mothers are the norm.

难怪一些年轻人认为,更传统的家庭安排也许会减少生活的压力。能说明情况的是,在欧洲所有年龄群体中,对性别平等的支持都在继续增加。欧洲对廉价、优质的育儿服务和父母的带薪假期进行大量公共投资是常态。

The availability of such options increasingly outweighs cultural support for traditional gender arrangements. When young Americans are asked about their family aspirations, large majorities choose equally shared breadwinning and child-rearing if the option of family-friendly work policies is mentioned.

能够有这类选择的重要性,越来越超过了对传统性别安排的文化支持。当年轻的美国人被问及对家庭的愿望时,如果提到了有利于家庭的工作政策,绝大部分人会选择平分养家糊口和抚养孩子的责任。

Furthermore, the financial advantages of dual-earner couples over male-breadwinner families have increased significantly in recent years, and an unequal division of housework has become progressively more damaging to relationships. The minority of couples who do manage to divide chores and child-rearing equally report higher levels of marital and sexual satisfaction, and more frequent sex, than do men and women in homes where the wife does most of the housework and child care.

此外,近年来,双职工家庭和男性赚钱养家的家庭相比的财力优势显著增加,家务分配不均对感情的破坏性也逐渐增强。能够做到平分家务和育儿责任的夫妇属于少数。和妻子承担大部分家务和育儿责任的家庭相比,他们反映的婚姻和性生活满意程度更高,性生活的频率也更高。

But most young parents will not be able to sustain egalitarian values and practices without better work-family policies. Those should be possible to attain, given that more than 80 percent of Americans — and strong majorities of both sexes — support paid leave for mothers, with 70 percent favoring it for fathers, too. Among 18- to 29-year-olds, that rises to 91 percent favoring paid leave for mothers and 82 percent favoring it for fathers.

但如果没有更好的工作和家庭政策,大部分年轻家长都无法坚持平等主义的价值观和实践。考虑到超过80%的美国人——男性和女性中都占绝大多数——支持母亲享受带薪假,70%的人支持父亲也享有带薪假,这些政策应该是有可能实现的。在18至29岁的人群中,支持母亲享受带薪假和支持父亲享受带薪假的比例分别升至91%和82%。

If, but only if, we can win such reforms, we may find that rather than growing out of youthful egalitarian idealism, as the popular view of aging might lead us to expect, more young Americans may grow into it, creating the most egalitarian family arrangements yet.

如果,仅仅是如果,能争取到这种改革,我们也许会发现,美国更多年轻人不会落入年老的俗套,随着年龄渐长而放弃充满青春气息的平等主义理想,而是接受平等主义,并创造出迄今为止最平等的家庭安排。

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