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更新时间:2017-3-3 10:58:56 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名

Obama Administration Rushed to Preserve Intelligence of Russian Election Hacking

WASHINGTON — In the Obama administration’s last days, some White House officials scrambled to spread information about Russian efforts to undermine the presidential election — and about possible contacts between associates of President-elect Donald J. Trump and Russians — across the government. Former American officials say they had two aims: to ensure that such meddling isn’t duplicated in future American or European elections, and to leave a clear trail of intelligence for government investigators.

华盛顿——在奥巴马执政的最后几天里,一些白宫官员匆忙行动起来,在整个政府内部传播有关俄罗斯破坏美国总统大选以及候任总统唐纳德·J·特朗普(Donald J. Trump)的副手可能与俄罗斯有联系的信息。多名前美国官员表示,他们有两个目的:一是确保这样的干涉不会在未来美国或欧洲的选举再次出现,二是为政府调查人员留下一条清晰的情报线索。

American allies, including the British and the Dutch, had provided information describing meetings in European cities between Russian officials — and others close to Russia’s president, Vladimir V. Putin — and associates of President-elect Trump, according to three former American officials who requested anonymity in discussing classified intelligence. Separately, American intelligence agencies had intercepted communications of Russian officials, some of them within the Kremlin, discussing contacts with Mr. Trump’s associates.

据三名要求匿名讨论机密情报信息的前美国官员透露,包括英国与荷兰在内的美国盟友提供了一些信息,描述了俄罗斯官员——及其他与俄罗斯总统普京弗拉基米尔·V·普京(Vladimir V. Putin)关系密切的人——与候任总统特朗普的副手在多个欧洲城市进行的会面。美国情报机构另外还拦截到了俄罗斯官员的通讯信息,其中有些在克里姆林宫内讨论与特朗普副手的联系。

Then and now, Mr. Trump has denied that his campaign had any contact with Russian officials, and at one point he openly suggested that American spy agencies had cooked up intelligence suggesting that the Russian government had tried to meddle in the presidential election. Mr. Trump has accused the Obama administration of hyping the Russia story line as a way to discredit his new administration.


At the Obama White House, Mr. Trump’s statements stoked fears among some that intelligence could be covered up or destroyed — or its sources exposed — once power changed hands. What followed was a push to preserve the intelligence that underscored the deep anxiety with which the White House and American intelligence agencies had come to view the threat from Moscow.


It also reflected the suspicion among many in the Obama White House that the Trump campaign might have colluded with Russia on election email hacks — a suspicion that American officials say has not been confirmed. Former senior Obama administration officials said that none of the efforts were directed by Mr. Obama.


“The only new piece of information that has come to light is that political appointees in the Obama administration have sought to create a false narrative to make an excuse for their own defeat in the election. There continues to be no there, there,” said Sean Spicer, the White House spokesman.

“唯一一条天下大白的新信息,是奥巴马政府的政治任命官员试图编造一种虚假的说法,以便为自身在选举中的失利找借口。这里面始终没有实质性的东西,”白宫发言人肖恩·斯派塞(Sean Spicer)说。

As Inauguration Day approached, Obama White House officials grew convinced that the intelligence was damning and that they needed to ensure that as many people as possible inside government could see it, even if people without security clearances could not. Some officials began asking specific questions at intelligence briefings, knowing the answers would be archived and could be easily unearthed by investigators — including the Senate Intelligence Committee, which in early January announced an inquiry into Russian efforts to influence the election.

随着总统就职日临近,奥巴马白宫官员愈发确信这些情报干系重大,需要确保让政府内尽可能多的人看到它,哪怕是没有安全许可的人。一些官员开始在情报例会上询问特定的问题,知道它们的答案将被存档,可以被调查人员轻易地找到——包括在1月初宣布对俄罗斯破坏美国大选的行动进行调查的参议院情报委员会(Senate Intelligence Committee)。

At intelligence agencies, there was a push to process as much raw intelligence as possible into analyses, and to keep the reports at a relatively low level of classification to ensure as wide a readership as possible across the government — and, in some cases, among European allies. This allowed the upload of as much intelligence as possible to Intellipedia, a secret wiki used by American intelligence analysts to share information.


There was also an effort to pass reports and other sensitive materials to Congress. In one instance, the State Department sent a cache of documents marked “secret” to Senator Benjamin Cardin of Maryland days before the Jan. 20 inauguration. The documents, detailing Russian efforts to intervene in elections worldwide, were sent in response to a request from Mr. Cardin, the top Democrat on the Foreign Relations Committee.

还有一种努力是将报告和其他敏感材料转交给国会。其中包括国务院在1月20日总统就职日到来数天前,将一批标有“机密”字样的文件交给马里兰州参议员本杰明·卡丁(Benjamin Cardin)。此举是应作为参议院外交关系委员会(Foreign Relations Committee)民主党首要人物的卡丁的要求,这些文件则详细描述了俄罗斯在全世界范围内干涉美国大选的行动。

“This situation was serious, as is evident by President Obama’s call for a review — and as is evident by the United States response,” said Eric Schultz, a spokesman for Mr. Obama. “When the intelligence community does that type of comprehensive review, it is standard practice that a significant amount of information would be compiled and documented.”

“情况十分严重,从奥巴马总统要求进行审核和美国的反应就可以看出,”奥巴马的发言人埃里克·舒尔茨(Eric Schultz)说。“当情报界展开这种性质的详尽审查时,编整和辑录大量信息是标准做法。”

The opposite happened with the most sensitive intelligence, including the names of sources and the identities of foreigners who were regularly monitored. Officials tightened the already small number of people who could access that information. They knew the information could not be kept from the new president or his top advisers, but wanted to narrow the number of people who might see the information, officials said.


More than a half-dozen current and former officials described various aspects of the effort to preserve and distribute the intelligence, and some said they were speaking to draw attention to the material and ensure proper investigation by Congress. All spoke on the condition of anonymity because they were discussing classified information, nearly all of which remains secret, making an independent public assessment of the competing Obama and Trump administration claims impossible.


The F.B.I. is conducting a wide-ranging counterintelligence investigation into Russia’s meddling in the election, and is examining alleged links between Mr. Trump’s associates and the Russian government.


Separately, the House and Senate intelligence committees are conducting their own investigations, though they must rely on information collected by the F.B.I. and intelligence agencies.


At his confirmation hearing on Wednesday, former Senator Dan Coats, Mr. Trump’s nominee for director of national intelligence, told the Senate Intelligence Committee that “I think it’s our responsibility to provide you access to all that you need.”

在周三为其举行的确认听证会上,被特朗普提名为国家情报总监的前参议员丹·科茨(Dan Coats)对参议院情报委员会表示,“我觉得我们的责任是让你们获得所需的任何信息。”

Some Obama White House officials had little faith that a Trump administration would make good on such pledges, and the efforts to preserve the intelligence continued until the administration’s final hours. This was partly because intelligence was still being collected and analyzed, but it also reflected the sentiment among many administration officials that they had not recognized the scale of the Russian campaign until it was too late.


The warning signs had been building throughout the summer, but were far from clear. As WikiLeaks was pushing out emails stolen from the Democratic National Committee through online publication, American intelligence began picking up conversations in which Russian officials were discussing contacts with Trump associates, and European allies were starting to pass along information about people close to Mr. Trump meeting with Russians in the Netherlands, Britain and other countries.


But what was going on in the meetings was unclear to the officials, and the intercepted communications did little to clarify matters — the Russians, it appeared, were arguing about how far to go in interfering in the presidential election.


What intensified the alarm at the Obama White House was a campaign of cyberattacks on state electoral systems in September, which led the Obama administration to deliver a public accusation against the Russians in October.


But it wasn’t until after the election, and after more intelligence had come in, that the administration began to grasp the scope of the suspected tampering and concluded that one goal of the campaign was to help tip the election in Mr. Trump’s favor. In early December, Mr. Obama ordered the intelligence community to conduct a full assessment of the Russian campaign.


In the weeks before the assessment was released in January, the intelligence community combed through databases for an array of communications and other information — some of which was months old by then — and began producing reports that showed there were contacts during the campaign between Trump associates and Russian officials.


The nature of the contacts remains unknown. Several of Mr. Trump’s associates have done business in Russia, and it is unclear if any of the contacts were related to business dealings.


The New York Times, citing four current and former officials, reported last month that American authorities had obtained information of repeated contacts between Mr. Trump’s associates and senior Russian intelligence officials. The White House has dismissed the story as false.


Since the Feb. 14 article appeared, more than a half-dozen officials have confirmed contacts of various kinds between Russians and Trump associates. The label “intelligence official” is not always cleanly applied in Russia, where ex-spies, oligarchs and government officials often report back to the intelligence services and elsewhere in the Kremlin.


Steven L. Hall, the former head of Russia operations at the C.I.A., said that Mr. Putin was surrounded by a cast of characters, and that it was “fair to say that a good number of them come from an intelligence or security background. Once an intel guy, always an intel guy in Russia.”

中央情报局在俄罗斯的前行动负责人史蒂文·L·霍尔(Steven L. Hall)说,在普京身边的人中,“不夸张地说,其中很多有情报或安全背景。在俄罗斯,一朝搞情报,就是终生搞情报。”

The concerns about the contacts were cemented by a series of phone calls between Sergey I. Kislyak, Russia’s ambassador to the United States, and Michael T. Flynn, who had been poised to become Mr. Trump’s national security adviser. The calls began on Dec. 29, shortly after Mr. Kislyak was summoned to the State Department and informed that, in retaliation for Russian election meddling, the United States was expelling 35 suspected Russian intelligence operatives and imposing other sanctions. Mr. Kislyak was irate and threatened a forceful Russia response, according to people familiar with the exchange.

俄罗斯驻美国大使谢尔盖·I·基斯利亚克(Sergey I. Kislyak)和迈克尔·T·弗林(Michael T. Flynn)之间的一系列电话坐实了关于这些接触的顾虑,弗林已经准备成为特朗普的国家安全顾问。这些通话开始于12月29日,在此之前不久,基斯利亚克被被传唤到国务院并得到通知,为了报复俄罗斯干涉选举,美国正在驱逐35名可疑的俄罗斯情报人员,实行其他制裁。根据了解这次交流的人士透露,基斯利亚克很愤怒,威胁俄罗斯会做出强烈反应。

But a day later, Mr. Putin said his government would not retaliate, prompting a Twitter post from Mr. Trump praising the Russian president — and puzzling Obama White House officials.


On Jan. 2, administration officials learned that Mr. Kislyak — after leaving the State Department meeting — called Mr. Flynn, and that the two talked multiple times in the 36 hours that followed. American intelligence agencies routinely wiretap the phones of Russian diplomats, and transcripts of the calls showed that Mr. Flynn urged the Russians not to respond, saying relations would improve once Mr. Trump was in office, according to multiple current and former officials.


Beyond leaving a trail for investigators, the Obama administration also wanted to help European allies combat a threat that had caught the United States off guard. American intelligence agencies made it clear in the declassified version of the intelligence assessment released in January that they believed Russia intended to use its attacks on the United States as a template for more meddling.


“We assess Moscow will apply lessons learned,” the report said, “to future influence efforts worldwide, including against U.S. allies.”