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美国反移民新政会带来什么?

更新时间:2017-2-26 9:22:24 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名

Lessons From Abroad: What Can Happen When Migrants Are Pushed Into the Shadows
美国反移民新政会带来什么?

New deportation rules proposed by the Trump administration risk creating an American underclass with parallels to others around the world: slum residents in India, guest workers in oil-rich Persian Gulf states.

特朗普政府颁布的驱逐出境新规,可能会在美国造就一个和其他许多国家类似的底层阶级:印度的贫民窟居民;拥有石油财富的波斯湾国家的外来劳工。
 
Those groups provide a cautionary tale for what could happen if the 11 million undocumented immigrants in the United States, as well as their family members, are forced deep into the shadows.

如果美国的1100万无证移民及其家属被迫陷入这种阴影,其他国家的此类群体可以作为一种警示,告诉美国可能会出现什么情况。

Stuck in a gray zone outside the legal system, they are vulnerable to exploitation, including wage theft and sex trafficking. Because they are denied formal protections or services, informal alternatives take their place — creating an ideal space for corruption, gangs and other forms of criminality.

他们被困在法律体系之外的灰色地带,极易遭到剥削,包括克扣工资以及拐卖妇女强迫卖淫。因为他们无法得到正规保护或服务,非正规解决方式就会滋生,为腐败和黑社会等犯罪活动创造了温床。

The result is often the precise opposite of what the administration is seeking: not a cohesive society but a fragmented one, not less crime but more, and, rather than ending undocumented immigration, deepening the secrecy that makes it difficult to manage.

这导致的结果往往正是政府追求目标的反面:社会不是变得更有凝聚力,而是更加分裂;犯罪率不降反升;非法移民没有被清除,而是隐藏得更深,更难管理。

In the United States, undocumented immigrants have always lived in limbo, officially illegal but often tolerated. But President Trump’s new rules, aimed at reconciling that contradiction, risk deepening it. As a result, it could increase the burdens on undocumented migrants and, more broadly, on society.

在美国,无证移民一直生活在困境中,他们按规则是非法的,但往往被容忍。不过,特朗普总统旨在化解这种矛盾的新规则,有可能反而加深它。结果,它可能增加无证移民以及整个社会的负担。

A Community in Legal Limbo

处于法律边缘的社区

This kind of underclass begins with a gap between law and reality.

这种底层阶级始于法律和现实之间的差距。

India’s slums, for instance, are often portrayed as emblems of the country’s struggle with poverty. But they also signal India’s failure to keep up with its rapidly growing urban populations. People who migrate to cities, unable to find sufficient affordable housing, improvise sprawling settlements that become more permanent.

比如,印度的贫民窟通常被描绘为该国与贫困做斗争的标志。但它也表明,印度未能跟上城市人口的快速增长。移居到城市的人找不到足够的买得起的住房,临时拼凑起向四周蔓延的定居点,它们后来演变为更长期的定居点。

While cities often tolerate these illegal settlements — their residents help drive the economy — there is always a chance that slums can be cleared. Residents, living in legal limbo, can’t access full state services or, often, rely on the protection of the police.

虽然城市往往容忍这些非法定居点——那里的居民能帮助推动经济发展——但贫民窟随时都有被清除的可能。生活在法律边缘地带的居民得不到政府的全面服务,往往无法依赖警察的保护。

America’s undocumented immigrants live under a similar contradiction between law and reality. Though millions reside in the United States, often bolstering local economies, being in the wrong place at the wrong time could lead to deportation.

美国的无证移民生活在类似的法律和现实的矛盾之中。居于美国的非法移民多达千百万之巨,他们常常为当地的经济繁荣做着自己的贡献,却可能因为在错误的时间出现在错误的地点而导致被驱逐。

Previous administrations focused on deporting criminals, giving most undocumented people tacit permission to feel secure in basic interactions with the state.

以前的政府把重点放在驱逐罪犯上,默许大多数非法移民的存在,是的他们在和政府的基本互动中有了安全感。

The Trump administration’s new deportation rules will, by radically expanding who can be targeted for deportation, remove that security and heighten the burdens of life in limbo.

特朗普政府的新规将通过急剧扩大可被列为驱逐目标的群体,让这种安全感消失殆尽,并加重生活在困境中的人们的负担。

A Vacuum Filled by Illegality

非法行为充斥的真空地带

The Gulf states of the Middle East demonstrate how creating an underclass can also invite abuse and corruption.

制造出一个底层阶级,还会催生凌虐和腐败。中东海湾国家便展示了这一点。

Under what is known as the kafala system, a Gulf state employer can unilaterally dictate the legal and immigration status of unskilled foreign migrants who work jobs like construction and housekeeping, putting those workers at the whims of employers.

在所谓的“卡法拉”制度下,一个海湾国家的雇主可以单方面决定在建筑、家政等行业当非熟练工的外国移民的合法身份和移民状态,使得这些人必须随时听命于雇主。

This system, though legal, forces foreign workers outside of anything resembling a formal set of laws. Allegations of abuse are widespread, including wage theft and forced labor.

这一制度虽然是合法的,却让外国工人无法受到一套正式法规的保护。凌虐指控屡见不鲜,其中包括克扣工资、强迫劳动。

When so many people exist in the shadows, the rest of society is inevitably affected, investigations have found. Loan sharks proliferate, as do predatory business practices built on easily exploited and barely regulated labor, the abundance of which undercuts local workers.

调查显示,当如此多的人处于阴影之中时,社会上的其他人难免要受影响。放高利贷者激增,以容易受盘剥、基本不受监管的劳工为基础的掠夺性商业盛行,进而还损害本地工人的利益。

Undocumented immigrants in the United States face a similar problem. Economic conditions attract workers, but their illegal status prevents the state from either protecting them or ensuring that their labor is regulated and taxed in a way that fairly benefits everyone.

美国的非法移民面临着类似的问题。工人们受到经济条件的吸引,但他们的非法身份使得政府无法保护他们,也无法以一种能够公平惠及每一个人的方式,确保对他们的劳动进行监管与课税。

India’s slums demonstrate another issue: Residents, cut off from basic services and the justice system, need something to take their place. Often, it is criminal elements that rush in to fill the vacuum.

印度的贫民窟展示了另一个问题:居民如果无法享有基本的社会服务,也得不到司法体制的保护,就需要用别的什么东西取而代之。急忙跑来填补空缺的常常是犯罪分子。

People need electricity, for instance, but when anyone who diverts electricity into a slum city is by definition a criminal, then criminals will fill that need. The same goes for sewers, electricity and basic security — a need that tends to produce violent protection rackets.

例如,人们需要电力,但当每一个把电力输送进城市贫民窟的人从严格意义上讲都是罪犯的时候,罪犯就会满足这一需求。排污、电力和基本安全都是如此——基本安全需求可能会催生出收保护费的暴力团伙。

Sean Fox, a lecturer at the University of Bristol in England, has studied the political economy of urban slums. In some Latin American slums, he said, gangs “are actually providing a regulatory function in their neighborhoods by creating territories.”

 英国布里斯托大学(University of Bristol)讲师肖恩·福克斯(Sean Fox)一直致力于城市贫民窟的政治经济学研究。他说,在拉美国家的一些贫民窟里,帮派“实际上通过打造地盘在他们的社区里发挥着管理功能”。

“People within that territory are considered part of the gang’s agreement of protection,” Dr. Fox said.

“某帮派的地盘里的人,被认为受到该帮派保护协议的保护,”福克斯博士说。

American immigration restrictions have long created a similar vacuum. Undocumented migrants turn to criminal smugglers for help entering and leaving the country, for instance.

长期以来,美国对移民的限制制造了一个类似的真空。例如,无证移民会在进出这个国家的时候向从事人口贩卖的罪犯寻求帮助。

Mr. Trump’s new deportation rules risk extending this vacuum across the border into much of the United States. If millions of undocumented migrants and their family members conclude they cannot call the police to report a crime without risking deportation, they will lose formal legal protections. Only informal alternatives would remain.

特朗普的驱逐出境新规有可能让这种真空扩散到美国的大部分地区。如果数百万无证移民及其家人认为,向警察报案会令他们面临被驱逐出境的危险,他们便将失去正式的法律保护。只有法律的非正式替代品会保留下来。

Rather than bolstering the rule of law, these rules could open a yet wider space where it does not exist.

这些规则不是加强法治,而是会开拓更广阔的无法治空间。

When these systems come under inevitable pressure to reform, that can happen in one of two ways — expelling the populations or bringing them out of the shadows — but neither has proved easy.

当这些系统面临不可避免的改革压力时,可以采取两种做法中的一种:驱逐人口或将他们带出阴影,但这两种方法都不容易。

Mr. Trump is trying the first option, but similar efforts by other countries show that this rarely solves the underlying problem and can create new challenges.

特朗普正在尝试第一个选择,但其他国家的类似努力表明,这种做法很少能够解决根本问题,并可能带来新的挑战。

Some officials in India have tried to fix their slums by simply razing them, reasoning that the constructions are illegal. This can lead to clashes with residents and to corruption, with developers and officials colluding to seize valuable land.

印度的一些官员治理贫民窟的办法就是简单地夷平它们,理由是那些建筑是非法的。这可能导致政府同居民的冲突以及腐败现象——开发商和官员勾结起来夺取有价值的土地。

Even if slum residents are cleared out, this does not fix the problem that put them in slums in the first place: Cities need cheap labor but often don’t provide cheap housing. If anything, it exacerbates the costs of this problem, with families being ejected from the legal limbo of the slums to the lawlessness of living on the street.

即使贫民窟居民被清除出去,最初令他们落入贫民窟的问题并没有得到解决:城市需要廉价劳动力,但通常不提供廉价住房。这个举措的效果,就是加重了这个问题的代价,这些家庭被赶出贫民窟这个法律的灰色地带,过上没有法律的街头生活。

A lesson from such efforts: Populations who live in legal limbo are not the cause of the problem, but rather a symptom. Targeting them with expulsion can end up deepening the underlying issue, making it costlier and harder to resolve.

从这些努力当中,人们可以得到这样的教训:生活在法律灰色地带当中的人不是造成问题的原因,而是问题的症状。针对他们展开驱逐最终可能会深化根本问题,使解决问题的成本更高,更难解决。

Efforts to move such communities out of the shadows have also run into problems.

让这些社区走出阴影的努力也遇到了问题。

By definition, any effort to fix such a system means upsetting whatever equilibrium has developed. When that happens, it is almost always the most vulnerable — the slum residents, the migrant workers, the undocumented immigrants — who will suffer the consequences.

系统的本质决定了任何试图修整它的努力都会打乱既有的平衡。当这种情况发生时,几乎总是由系统中最脆弱的的环节——贫民窟居民、民工、无证移民——来承担后果。

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