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特朗普,侵入政府内部的“混乱队长”

更新时间:2017-1-22 11:34:24 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名

The Internal Invasion
特朗普,侵入政府内部的“混乱队长”

This is a remarkable day in the history of our country. We have never over our centuries inaugurated a man like Donald Trump as president of the United States. You can select any random group of former presidents — Madison, Lincoln, Hoover, Carter — and none of them are like Trump.

这是美国历史上一个了不起的日子。几个世纪以来,从来没有像唐纳德·特朗普这样的人成为过美国总统。你可以随便说出一个前总统的名字——麦迪逊、林肯、胡佛、卡特——特朗普和他们都不像。

We’ve never had a major national leader as professionally unprepared, intellectually ill informed, morally compromised and temperamentally unfit as the man taking the oath on Friday. So let’s not lessen the shock factor that should reverberate across this extraordinary moment.

我们从来没有哪个重要的全国性领导人,像本周五宣誓的那名男子那样,在专业上没有准备,在见识上不明智,在道德上缺陷多多,在性情上不适宜。所以,我们不要淡化这股冲击波,它应该在这个非凡的时刻不断回荡。

It took a lot to get us here. It took a once-in-a-century societal challenge — the stresses and strains brought by the global information age — and it took a political system that was too detached and sclerotic to understand and deal with them.

我们走到这一步并非一蹴而就。首先是百年一遇的社会挑战——全球信息时代带来的紧张和压力——然后是我们的政治系统太冷漠、太僵化,难以理解和处理这些压力。

There are many ways to capture this massive failure, but I’d rely on the old sociological distinction between gemeinschaft and gesellschaft. All across the world, we have masses of voters who live in a world of gemeinschaft: where relationships are personal, organic and fused by particular affections. These people define their loyalty to community, faith and nation in personal, in-the-gut sort of ways.

有许多方法来解释这种巨大的失败,但我会使用社会学中“礼俗社会”和“法理社会”区别的老派理论。在世界各地,我们有大量的选民居住在礼俗社会的环境中,其中的种种关系是个人的、有机的,由特定的感情来融合的。这些人以个人化的、直觉化的方式来定义他们对社区、信仰和国家的忠诚。

But we have a leadership class and an experience of globalization that is from the world of gesellschaft: where systems are impersonal, rule based, abstract, indirect and formal.

而我们的领导阶层和全球化经验来自法理社会:其系统是非人性的,基于规则的、抽象的、间接的,以及正式的。

Many people in Europe love their particular country with a vestigial affection that is like family — England, Holland or France. But meritocratic elites of Europe gave them an abstract intellectual construct called the European Union.

在欧洲,很多人对自己的国家存在一种家庭般的感情——英格兰、荷兰或者法国。但是,欧洲的精英阶层给了他们一个抽象的智识结构,称为欧盟。

Many Americans think their families and their neighborhoods are being denuded by the impersonal forces of globalization, finance and technology. All the Republican establishment could offer was abstract paeans to the free market. All the Democrats could offer was Hillary Clinton, the ultimate cautious, remote, calculating, gesellschaft thinker.

很多美国人认为,全球化、金融和技术这些非人性的力量正在剥夺自己的家庭和邻里关系。共和党建制派所能提供的就是抽象的、拥护自由市场的赞歌。而民主党人能提供的就是希拉里·克林顿(Hillary Clinton),一个谨慎的、遥不可及的、精明的、法理社会思想者。

It was the right moment for Trump, the ultimate gemeinschaft man. He is all gut instinct, all blood and soil, all about loyalty over detached reason. His business is a pre-modern family clan, not an impersonal corporation, and he is staffing his White House as a pre-modern family monarchy, with his relatives and a few royal retainers. In his business and political dealings, he simply doesn’t acknowledge the difference between private and public, personal and impersonal. Everything is personal, pulsating outward from his needy core.

带有终极礼俗社会色彩的特朗普恰逢其时。在他身上可以充分看到什么是全凭直觉行事,什么是彻头彻尾的“血与土”,什么是忠诚完全压倒客观理性。他的企业是一个前现代家族,而非一个非个人化的公司;他在为白宫配置人员的时候将其当成一个前现代家族式君主国,拔擢了自己的若干亲属和几个忠诚的侍从。面对商业和政治事务,他拒绝承认公私之间、个人化和非个人化之间存在差异。所有的一切都带有个人色彩,都围绕他那渴望被关注的内心运转。

The very thing that made him right electorally for this moment will probably make him an incompetent president. He is the ultimate anti-institutional man, but the president sits at the nerve center of a routinized, regularized four-million-person institution. If the figure at the center can’t give consistent, clear and informed direction, the whole system goes haywire, with vicious infighting and creeping anarchy.

让他在此刻被选民选中的特质,可能会让他成为一个不称职的总统。他是彻头彻尾的反建制者,但总统却身处一个由400万人组成的常规化、正规化建制的神经中枢。如果处于中枢的人不能给出前后一致的、清晰的、明智的指令,整个系统就会变得癫狂,被惨烈的内斗和日益深重的无政府状态所主宰。

Some on the left worry that we are seeing the rise of fascism, a new authoritarian age. That gets things exactly backward. The real fear in the Trump era should be that everything will become disorganized, chaotic, degenerate, clownish and incompetent.

一些左翼人士担心,我们正迎来法西斯主义的抬头,迎来一个新的威权时代。他们完全弄拧了。在特朗普时代,真正应该担心的是,所有的一切都会变得无序、混乱、腐朽、滑稽和无力。

The real fear should be that Trump is Captain Chaos, the ignorant dauphin of disorder. All the standard practices, norms, ways of speaking and interacting will be degraded and shredded. The political system and the economy will grind to a battered crawl.

真正应该担心的是,特朗普会成为“混乱队长”,成为无知的混乱王子。所有标准的做法、规则、说话及互动的方式都会被削弱和撕碎。政治体系和经济将七零八落,其运行会日益迟缓,直到几近停滞。

That’s ultimately why this could be a pivotal day. For the past few decades our leadership class has been polarized. We’ve wondered if there is some opponent out there that could force us to unite and work together. Well, that opponent is being inaugurated, not in the form of Trump the man, but in the form of the chaos and incompetence that will likely radiate from him, month after month. For America to thrive, people across government will have to cooperate and build arrangements to quarantine and work around the president.

正因为如此,这可能是极为关键的一天。过去数十年间,我们的领导阶层一直处于分裂状态。我们总在琢磨,会不会有某个对手横空出世,迫使我们团结一心精诚合作。现在,这个对手正在参加就职典礼,但我说的不是特朗普这个人,而是可能会日复一日地从他身上生发出来的混乱和无力。要让美国兴旺发达,政府各部门的人必须通力合作、建立隔离机制、绕开总统开展工作。

People in the defense, diplomatic and intelligence communities will have to build systems to prevent him from intentionally or unintentionally bumbling into a global crisis. People in his administration and in Congress will have to create systems so his ill-informed verbal spasms don’t derail coherent legislation.

国防、外交和情报界的人将必须建立防止他有意或无意酿成全球性危机的体系。特朗普政府及国会里的人将必须建立防止其不明智的言语痉挛扰乱明细连贯的立法程序的体系。

If Trump’s opponents behave as clownishly as he does — like the congressmen who are narcissistically boycotting the inaugural — the whole government will get further delegitimized. But if people redouble their commitment to constitutional norms and practices, to substance and dignity, this thing is survivable.

如果特朗普的对手们像他一样滑稽可笑地行事——比如那些沉浸在自己的世界之中,抵制就职仪式的国会议员——整个政府就会愈发失去合法性。但如果人们加倍注重宪法规则和惯例,注重事实依据和端庄体面,我们最终还是可以全身而退的。

Already you see the political system uniting to contain Trump. In negotiations on the Hill, administration officials feel free to ignore his verbiage on health care and other issues. Members of his team are already good at pretending that Trump doesn’t mean what he clearly does mean, on matters of NATO and much else.

我们已经看到,政坛正团结一致,以遏制特朗普。在国会山进行磋商期间,政府官员可以随意忽略他提及医保等议题时说的啰嗦话。其团队的成员已经非常善于假装相信,就北约以及其他很多议题清晰表达某种观点的特朗普说的不是那个意思。

I’ve been rewatching “Yes, Minister” these days. That was a hilarious British sitcom about a permanent government apparatus that contained and overruled a bumbling political master. America will need a beneficent version of that sort of clever cooperation.

这些天来,我一直在重温《是,大臣》(Yes, Minister)。这部热闹的英国情景喜剧,讲述了一个铁打营盘式的政府机构如何限制和驳回一名笨拙的政治委任长官的故事。

With Trump it’s not the ideology, it’s the disorder. Containing that could be the patriotic cause that brings us together.

就特朗普而言,意识形态不是问题,混乱才是。遏制这种混乱可能会成为一项让我们走到一起的爱国事业。

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