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狼来了狼来了,遇到特朗普就没辙了

更新时间:2016-9-4 11:03:00 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名

Crying Wolf, Then Confronting Trump
狼来了狼来了,遇到特朗普就没辙了

Conservative commentators and die-hard Republicans often brush off denunciations of Donald Trump as an unprincipled hatemonger by saying: Yeah, yeah, that’s what Democrats wail about every Republican they’re trying to take down. Sing me a song I haven’t heard so many times before.

每当听到有人说,唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)是一个毫无原则的仇恨煽动者,保守派新闻评论员和死硬派共和党人都会不屑地表示:是啊,是啊,民主党每次想扳倒哪个共和党人,都是这么说的。能不能来点新鲜的。

Howard Wolfson would be outraged by that response if he didn’t recognize its aptness.

要不是意识到这是个很恰当的回应,霍华德·沃尔夫森(Howard Wolfson)会被气疯的。

“There’s enough truth to it to compel some self-reflection,” Wolfson, who was the communications director for Hillary Clinton’s presidential bid in 2008, told me this week.

“这话相当有道理,足够发人深省了,”沃尔夫森本周对我说。他曾在希拉里·克林顿(Hillary Clinton)的2008年总统竞选中担任过通讯联络主管。

In fact, he finds himself thinking about it a whole lot: how extreme the put-downs of political adversaries have become; how automatically combatants adopt postures of unalloyed outrage; what this means when they come upon a crossroads — and a candidate — of much greater, graver danger.

事实上,他发现自己在这方面想得很多:政治对手间的恶言恶语已经变得何等极端;参战者何其自如地使用着纯粹的愤怒姿态;而当他们面对一个空前重大而严峻的危险抉择,以及一个同样危险的总统候选人时,又会作何反应。

“I worked on the presidential campaign in 2004,” he said, referring to John Kerry’s contest against George W. Bush. He added that he was also “active in discussing” John McCain when he ran for the presidency in 2008 and Mitt Romney in 2012.

“我参与过2004年总统竞选,”他说,这里指的是约翰·克里(John Kerry)向乔治·W·布什(George W. Bush)发起的挑战。他还说他在2008年和2012年分别积极地讨论过与约翰·麦凯恩(John McCain)和米特·罗姆尼(Mitt Romney)相关的总统竞选事宜。

“And I’m quite confident I employed language that, in retrospect, was hyperbolic and inaccurate, language that cheapened my ability — our ability — to talk about this moment with accuracy and credibility.”

“回想起来,我十分肯定自己也曾使用夸张的、不准确的语汇,这会降低我——以及我们——评述此事的准确性和可信度。”

Did Democrats cry wolf so many times before Trump that no one hears or heeds them now?

在特朗普出现之前,民主党人是不是喊了太多次的狼来了,以至于现在已经没人听到或留意?

That’s a question being asked with increasing frequency, though mostly in conservative circles and publications. An essay by Jonah Goldberg in National Review in late July had this headline: “How the Media’s History of Smearing Republicans Now Helps Trump.”

这个问题正被越来越频繁地提起来,虽说主要是在保守派的圈子和出版物里。七月底乔纳·戈德伯格(Jonah Goldberg)在《国家评论》(National Review)上发表的一篇文章标题是“媒体抹黑共和党人的劣迹令特朗普受益”。

In Commentary, Noah Rothman has repeatedly examined this subject. He wrote back in March that when “honorable and decent men” like McCain and Romney “are reflexively dubbed racists simply for opposing Democratic policies, the result is a G.O.P. electorate that doesn’t listen to admonitions when the genuine article is in their midst.”

诺阿·罗特曼(Noah Rothman)在《评论》(Commentary)杂志上反复探问这一问题。他在三月时曾写道,像麦凯恩和罗姆尼这样“可敬而得体的人”只要“反对民主党的政策,就会被不假思索地扣上种族主义的帽子,结果导致即使有人发出肺腑之言时,共和党选民已经不听劝了”。

“Today,” he added, “they point and shout ‘racist’ into the void, but Democrats only have themselves to blame for the fact that so many on the right are no longer listening.”

“如今,”他还说,“他们冲人大喊‘种族主义者’已经毫无效果了,但很多右派人士什么都听不进去这一点,只能怪民主党自己。”

I think he’s being more than a bit disingenuous about the potential receptiveness of the right — or the left — to anything that the other side says in this polarized, partisan age. There hasn’t been all that much listening for some time.

我认为他多少有些装傻了,没有正视在这个党同伐异的两极化时代,右派——或左派——对对家的任何言论可能都听不太进去。缺乏倾听的问题已经存在有一阵子了。

Also, the Democratic condemnations of McCain and Romney weren’t as widespread and operatic as the ones of Trump.

另外,民主党对麦凯恩和罗姆尼的谴责,可不像对特朗普那么普遍,那么戏剧化。

And this is a two-way street. Republicans paint a broad spectrum of Democrats as socialist kooks, and Obama has been as strong a magnet for hyperbole as any politician in my lifetime. Let us not forget Dinesh D’Souza’s 2010 book “The Roots of Obama’s Rage,” or Newt Gingrich’s assertion that “only if you understand Kenyan, anticolonial behavior” can you grasp Obama’s method of governing, or Trump’s insistence that Obama produce his American birth certificate.

而这是一条双向街。共和党人把各色民主党人一律归为社会主义狂人,而奥巴马是我这辈子见过的最容易招惹夸张言论的政治人物。我们可别忘了迪内希·德苏扎(Dinesh D'Souza)2010年的那本《奥巴马的暴戾根源》(The Roots of Obama’s Rage),或纽特·金里奇(Newt Gingrich)说的,“只有理解了肯尼亚人的反殖民行为”,你才能领会奥巴马的执政手法,或特朗普死缠着要让奥巴马出示美国出生证。

The sad truth is that we conduct the bulk of our political debate in a key of near-hysteria. And this renders complaints of discrepant urgency, about politicians of different recklessness, into one big, ignorable mush of partisan rancor.

一个可悲的现实是,我们的大部分政治辩论有一种近乎歇斯底里的基调。这样一来,针对每个政治人物各自不同的妄举而发出的控诉,原本是有轻重缓急之分的,如今却全都成了一大团可以无视的党派仇恨。

What stands out in this presidential campaign aren’t the alarms that Democrats are sounding about the Republican nominee but the ones that an unusual number of Republican defectors are. That’s what’s unfamiliar. And that’s what’s wounding Trump.

在本次总统竞选中,最惹眼的不是民主党人就共和党候选人发出的警告,而是格外多的共和党倒戈者拉响的警报。这才是不寻常之处。这才是让特朗普流血的打击。

Democrats were indeed dire about Romney, even though many of them, including President Obama, now speak of him fondly, as a Republican whose prescriptions might be flawed but whose heart is true.

民主党人对罗姆尼的确下手很重,尽管有很多人,包括奥巴马总统,现在说起他来都颇有好感,认为他作为一个共和党人,虽然开出的药方可能有问题,但心是真诚的。

Four years ago, he was a bloodsucking capitalist vampire whose indictment of Obamacare was ipso facto proof of his racism. In The Daily Beast, he was called a “race-mongering pyromaniac.” On MSNBC, he was accused, by a black commentator, of the “niggerization” of Obama into “the scary black man who we’ve been trained to fear.”

四年前,他是个资本主义吸血鬼,他对奥巴马医保的指控本身证明他有种族歧视。在Daily Beast上,他被称为“煽动种族仇恨的纵火犯”。在MSNBC上,一名黑人评论员指责他把奥巴马“黑鬼化”,变成了一个“可怕的黑人,让我们产生习惯性的恐惧”。

Romney was supposedly out of touch with reality — never mind that he had governed a blue state, Massachusetts, without cataclysmic incident — just as McCain was described, in some quarters, as a combustible hothead who couldn’t be allowed anywhere near the nuclear codes. He was Trump before Trump, which makes Trump less Trump.

罗姆尼被认为是脱离现实的——谁在乎他曾经执掌作为蓝州的马萨诸塞州,期间没有发生过重大问题——就像麦凯恩被某些人形容为一个易冲动的莽汉,核武密码绝对不可以落在这种人手里。他是特朗普出现前的特朗普,他让特朗普没那么特朗普。

And those are just the presidential candidates. Plenty of other Republicans have confronted charges of florid racism and incipient fascism that apply to some of them infinitely better than to others. Gradations disappear. Distinctions vanish.

这还只是总统候选人。还有许多共和党人曾经被斥为花言巧语的种族主义者和早期法西斯,但其中有些人是适用于这类指控的,有些人则远没那么适用。层级消失了。差异不见了。

Important words are hollowed out, so that they lose their precision and their sting, and exist mainly to perpetuate a paralyzing climate of reciprocal hatred between political parties.

重要的言论被剔除了内涵,因此就丧失了准确性和尖锐性,它们的存在,主要是为了维持一种麻痹人心的风气,这其中只有各政治党派间你来我往的仇恨。

After Clinton’s 2008 campaign, Wolfson went on to work for New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg, a Democrat who became a Republican and then an independent. He’s still in the former mayor’s employ, as a senior adviser.

在克林顿的2008年竞选之后,沃尔夫森开始为原民主党人士、后转为共和党、现为独立人士的纽约市长迈克尔·布隆伯格(Michael Bloomberg)做事。他至今仍作为高级顾问受雇于这位前市长。

That’s the vantage point from which he has watched Trump’s ascent, and from which he’s making some crucial observations.

他就是站在这样的制高点看着特朗普冉冉升起的,期间他做出了一些至关重要的评述。

“It’s only when you find yourself describing someone who really is the definition of an extremist — who really is, essentially, in my opinion, a fascist — that you recognize that the language that you’ve used in the past to describe other people was hyperbolic and inappropriate and cheap,” Wolfson said.

“只有当你发现,你在描述的这人真的是标准的极端主义者——在我看来,他本质上真的是一个法西斯——你才意识到,你以前在形容其他人时用的这些语汇是夸大的、不当的、低劣的,”沃尔夫森说。

“It doesn’t mean that you somehow retrospectively agree with their positions on issues,” he added. “But when the system confronts an actual, honest-to-God menace, it should compel some rethinking on our part about how we describe people who are far short of that.”

“这并不是说,现在回首过去,我可以认同他们在一些问题上的立场了,”他接着说。“而是当制度遭遇一个真正的、如假包换的危险人物时,应当促使我们去反思,我们之前把人说得太过了。”

“We should take stock of this moment,” he said, “and recognize that our language really needs to be more accountable and more appropriate to the circumstances.” I hope we do.

“我们应该对当前的事做出检讨,”他说,“要认识到,我们在发表言论时真的要更有责任心,更合乎时宜。”但愿我们能做到。

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